Question:
history information pleaze!!!?
sexygyllenhaal
2006-12-06 09:28:43 UTC
can anyone give me any information on the age of discovery, vasco da gama + christopher columbus!!!!
i kneed to get them for homework!
i no i can just ckeck the www but i hav a slow connection and it takes ages.
i kneed to get 20 pieces of info on it for wedensday.
Seventeen answers:
Chrispy
2006-12-06 10:01:58 UTC
As quickly as I can, here it is.



Vasco da Gama was a Portuguese explorer whose main claim to fame was successfully reaching India by water. The reason this is so important is that it enabled Portugal to trade directly with India, thereby cutting into the profits of such Italian cities as Venice, which had long held a near-monopoly on trade with the East. They had been in the habit of sending their ships across the Mediterranean Sea to purchase the cargoes of cravans which traveled a route commonly called The Silk Road.



Columbus, contrary to the myth, was not the only person of his time who thought the world was round--most educated people knew it was, and there are statues from the centuries preceding the 15th depicting Christ holding a spherical object which represented--you guessed it--the earth.



Columbus was looking for an alternate route to India, and since Portugal had pretty much sewn up their route to India, he thought that if he sailed west, instead of east, that other countries could have their own slice of this trading pie. He pitched his idea (unsuccessfully) to the kings of England and France as well as to Isalbella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon (whose marriage had united their two countries, and no, Isabella did not pawn her jewels to finance the voyage, either).



Naturally, these two monarchs, partly because of their nearness to Portugal (Ferdinand and Isabella essentially united what is now called Spain), were quite interested in the venture.



While Columbus didn't find a new water route to India, he did open the door to European exploration of the Western Hemisphere. Whether this was good or bad is still a subject of debate.
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Social Science Lady
2006-12-06 12:11:58 UTC
In fourteen hundred and ninety-two

Columbus sailed the ocean blue

He found his land and staked his plot

And that was a good one, Was it not ?



This is a good way to remember the date when Columbus discovered America.
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Kate
2006-12-06 09:40:32 UTC
i just did a report on the aod. i got all my info from wikipedia. hope this helps.



Age of Discovery

The Age of Discovery or Age of Exploration was a period from the early 15th century and continuing into the early 17th century, during which European ships traveled around the world to search for new trading routes and partners to feed burgeoning capitalism in Europe.They also were in search of trading goods like gold and silver. In the process, Europeans encountered peoples and mapped lands previously unknown to them. Among the most famous explorers of the period were Christopher Columbus, Vasco da Gama, Pedro Álvares Cabral, John Cabot, Yermak, Juan Ponce de León, Bartholomew Dias, Ferdinand Magellan, Willem Barentsz, Abel Tasman, Jacques Cartier, Samuel de Champlain, Willem Jansz and Captain James Cook.

The Age of Exploration was rooted in new technologies and ideas growing out of the Renaissance. These included advances in cartography, navigation, firepower and shipbuilding. Many people wanted to find a route to Asia through the west of Europe. The most important development was the invention of first the carrack and then caravel in Iberia. These vessels evolved from medieval European designs with a fruitful combination of Mediterranean and North Sea innovations and the addition of some Arabic elements. They were the first ships that could leave the relatively passive Mediterranean and sail safely on the open Atlantic.





This south-oriented map, made by Arab geographer al-Idrisi in 1154, was one of the most accurate world maps prior to the age of European exploration.

The prelude to the Age of Exploration was a series of European expeditions crossing Eurasia by land in the late Middle Ages. While the Mongols had threatened Europe with pillage and destruction they also unified much of Eurasia creating trade routes and communication lines stretching from the Middle East to China. A series of Europeans took advantage of these to explore eastwards. These were almost all Italians as the trade between Europe and the Middle East was almost completely controlled by traders from the Italian city states. Their close links to the Levant created great curiosity and commercial interest in what lay further east. The Papacy also launched expeditions in hopes of finding converts, or the fabled Prester John.

The first of these travelers was Giovanni de Plano Carpini who journeyed to Mongolia and back from 1244–1247. The most famous voyage, however, was that of Marco Polo who traveled throughout the Orient from 1271 to 1295. His journey was written up as Travels and the work was read throughout Europe.

These voyages had little immediate effect, however; the Mongol Empire collapsed almost as quickly as it formed and soon the route to the east became far more difficult and dangerous. The Black Death of the fourteenth century also blocked travel and trade. The land route to the East was always to be too long and difficult for profitable trade and it was also controlled by Islamic empires that had long battled the Europeans. The rise of the aggressive and expansionist Ottoman Empire further limited the possibilities for Europeans.

In China, from 1405 to 1433 a large fleet of Zheng He travelled to the Western Ocean (the Chinese name for the Indian Ocean) seven times. But this attempt did not lead China to global expansion.

Exploration begins in Portugal







The Fra Mauro map (1459) in Venice, provided one of the first practical descriptions of Europe, Africa and Asia.

It was not until the carrack and then the caravel were developed in Iberia that European thoughts returned to the fabled East. These explorations have a number of causes. Monetarists believe the main reason the Age of Exploration began was because of a severe shortage of bullion in Europe. The European economy was dependent on gold and silver currency, but low domestic supplies had plunged much of Europe into a recession. Another factor was the centuries long conflict between the Iberians and the Muslims to the south. The ability to outflank the Muslim states of North Africa was seen as crucial to their survival. At the same time, the Iberians learnt much from their Arab neighbours. The carrack and caravel both incorporated the Arab lateen sail that made ships far more maneuverable. It was also through the Arabs that Ancient Greek geography was rediscovered, for the first time giving European sailors some idea of the shape of Africa and Asia.





The Santa Maria at anchor by Andries van Eertvelt, painted c. 1628 shows the famous carrack of Christopher Columbus.

The first great wave of expeditions was launched by Portugal under Prince Henry the Navigator. Sailing out into the open Atlantic the Madeira Islands were discovered in 1419, and in 1427 the Azores, both becoming Portuguese colonies. The main project of Henry the Navigator was exploration of the West Coast of Africa. For centuries the only trade routes linking West Africa with the Mediterranean world were over the Sahara Desert. These routes were controlled by the Muslim states of North Africa, long rivals to Portugal. It was the Portuguese hope that the Islamic nations could be bypassed by trading directly with West Africa by sea. It was also hoped that south of the Sahara the states would be Christian and potential allies against the Muslims in the Maghreb. The Portuguese navigators made slow but steady progress, each year managing to push a few miles further south, and in 1434 the obstacle of Cape Bojador was overcome. Within two decades, the barrier of the Sahara had been overcome and trade in gold and slaves began in what is today Senegal. Progress continued as trading forts were built at Elmina and São Tomé e Príncipe became the first sugar producing colony. In 1482 an expedition under Diogo Cão made contact with the Kingdom of Kongo. The crucial breakthrough was in 1487 when Bartolomeu Dias rounded (and later named) the Cape of Good Hope and proved that access to the Indian Ocean was possible. In 1498 Vasco da Gama made good on this promise by reaching India.

European colonization of the Americas

Portugal's rival Castile had been somewhat slower than its neighbour to begin exploring the Atlantic, and it was not until late in the fifteenth century that Castilian sailors began to compete with their Iberian neighbours. The first contest was for control of the Canary Islands, which Castile won. It was not until the union of Aragon and Castile and the completion of the reconquista that the large nation became fully committed to looking for new trade routes and colonies overseas. In 1492 the joint rulers of the nation conquered the Moorish kingdom of Granada, that had been providing Castile with African goods through its tribute, and they decided to fund Christopher Columbus' expedition that they hoped would bypass Portugal's lock on Africa and the Indian Ocean reaching Asia by travelling west.

Columbus did not reach Asia, but rather found a New World, America. In 1500, the Portuguese navigator, Pedro Álvares Cabral also discovered a new world, the land that is today called Brazil. The issue of defining areas of influence became critical, being resolved by Papal intervention in 1494 when the Treaty of Tordesillas divided the world between the two powers. The Portuguese "received" everything outside of Europe east of a line that ran 270 leagues west of the Cape Verde islands; this gave them control over Africa, Asia and eastern South America (Brazil). The Spanish received everything west of this line, territory that was still almost completely unknown, and proved to be mostly the western part of the American continent plus the Pacific Ocean islands.

Columbus and other Spanish explorers were initially disappointed with their discoveries. Unlike Africa or Asia the Caribbean islanders had little to trade with the Spanish ships. The islands thus became the focus of colonization efforts. It was not until the continent itself was explored that Spain found the wealth it had sought in the form of abundant gold. In the Americas the Spanish found a number of empires that were as large and populous as those in Europe. However, small bodies of Spanish conquistadors, with large armies of allied natives, managed to conquer them. The most notable amongst the conquered nations were the Aztec empire in Mexico (conquered in 1521) and the Inca empire in modern Peru and Ecuador (conquered in 1532). After the conquest, pandemics of European disease devastated the native populations. Once Spanish sovereignty was established, the main focus became the extraction and export of gold and silver.

In 1519, the same year that Cortez's army landed in Mexico the Spanish crown funded the expedition of Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguese. The goal of the mission was to find the Spice Islands by travelling west, and thus placing them in the Spanish sphere. The expedition was a success and became the first to circumnavigate the world upon its return three years later.

Decline of the Portuguese monopoly

Portuguese exploration and colonization continued despite the new rivalry with Spain. The Portuguese became the first Westerners to reach and trade with Japan. Under the King Manuel I the Portuguese crown launched a scheme to keep control of the lands and trade routes that had been declared theirs. The strategy was to build a series of forts that would allow them to control all the major trade routes of the east. Thus forts and colonies were established on the Gold Coast, Luanda, Mozambique, Zanzibar, Mombassa, Socotra, Ormuz, Calcutta, Goa, Bombay, Malacca, Macau, and Timor. The Portuguese also controlled Brazil, which had been discovered in 1500 by Pedro Álvares Cabral and was partly on the Portuguese side of the global "divide" set at Tordesillas.

Portugal had some trouble expanding its empire inland and concentrated mostly on the coastal areas. Over time the nation proved to be simply too small to provide the funds and manpower sufficient to manage such a massive venture. The forts spread across the world were chronically undermanned and ill-equipped. They could not compete with the larger powers that slowly encroached on their empire. The days of near monopoly of east trade were numbered. Portuguese hegemony in the east was broken by Dutch, French and British explorers, who ignored the Papal division of the world. In 1580 the Spanish King Philip II became also King of Portugal, as rightful heir to the Crown after his cousin Sebastião died without sons (Philip II of Spain was grandson of Manuel I of Portugal). The combined empires were simply too big to be kept unchallenged, and to resist those challenges some of Portuguese possessions were lost or circumscribed, particularly in the West Africa, the Middle East and the Far East that were mostly surrounded by British and Dutch colonies. Bombay was given away to the British as a marriage gift. The colonies where the Portuguese presence was effective, like Macau, East Timor, Goa, Angola, and Mozambique, as well as Brazil, remained in Portuguese possession. The Dutch attempted to conquer Brazil, and at one time controlled almost half of the nation, but were eventually rebuffed.

Northern European involvement

The nations outside of Iberia refused to acknowledge the Treaty of Tordesillas. France, the Netherlands, and Britain each had a long maritime tradition and, despite Iberian protections, the new technologies and maps soon made their way north.

The first of these missions (1497) was that of the British funded John Cabot. It was the first of a series of French and British missions exploring North America. Spain had largely ignored the northern part of the Americas as it had few people and far fewer riches than Central America. In 1525, Giovanni da Verrazzano became the first recorded European to visit the East Coast of the present-day United States. The expeditions of Cabot, Jacques Cartier (first voyage 1534) and others were mainly hoping to find the Northwest Passage and thus a link to the riches of Asia. This was never discovered, but in their travels other possibilities were found and in the early seventeenth century colonists from a number of Northern European states began to settle on the east coast of North America.

It was the northerners who also became the great rivals to the Portuguese in Africa and around the Indian Ocean. Dutch, French, and British ships began to flout the Portuguese monopoly and found trading forts and colonies of their own. Gradually the Portuguese and Spanish market and possession share declined, the new entrants surrounding many of their most valuable possessions (like Hong Kong being next to Macau). The northerners also took the lead in exploring the last unknown regions of the Pacific Ocean and the North-American west coast, which was in the Spanish part of the Tordesillas divide (see Treaty of Tordesillas). Dutch explorers such as Willem Jansz and Abel Tasman explored the coasts of Australia while in the eighteenth century it was British explorer James Cook that mapped much of Polynesia.

Conquest of Siberia





"Yermak's Conquest of Siberia", a painting by Vasily Surikov.

In 1552 Russian czar Ivan IV the Terrible conquered the Kazan khanate, which opened new opportunities in conquests in the East. In 1580 Yermak entered Siberia with a band of 1636 men, following the Tagil and Tura rivers. Next year they were on the Tobol, and 500 men successfully laid siege to Isker, the residence of Khan Kuchum, in the neighbourhood of what is now Tobolsk. Kuchum fled to the steppes, abandoning his domains to Yermak, who, according to tradition, purchased by the present of Siberia to tsar Ivan IV his own restoration to favour.

Yermak drowned in the Irtysh in 1584 and his Cossacks abandoned Siberia. But new bands of hunters and adventurers poured every year into the country, and were supported by Moscow. To avoid conflicts with the denser populations of the south, they preferred to advance eastwards along higher latitudes; meanwhile Moscow erected forts and settled labourers around them to supply the garrisons with food. Within eighty years the Russians had reached the Amur and the Pacific Ocean. This rapid conquest is accounted for by the circumstance that neither Tatars nor Turks were able to offer any serious resistance.

Effect on Europe

The effect of the Age of Exploration was unprecedented. For millennia it had been the Mediterranean economy that had been the continent's most vibrant and regions like Italy and Greece had thus been the wealthiest and most potent. The newly dominant Atlantic economy was controlled by the states of Western Europe, initally boosting Portugal and Spain, and then France, Netherlands, Britain, and Germany, where Europe´s traditional economic axis, extending from southern England, through to Northern Italy is, until the present. It also replaced to some extent, with new ocean routes, the Silk Road which had already greatly declined with the earlier collapse of the Mongol and Byzantine empires. North Western Europe has remained the wealthiest and most powerful region on the continent ever since. Nevertheless, all parts of southern, western and central Europe were more or less integrated in this trade network from the beginning due to their economic heritage from the High Middle Ages period.

Following the period of exploration was the Commercial Revolution when trans-oceanic trade became commonplace. The importance of trade made it so that traders and merchants, not the feudal landowners, were the most powerful class in society. In time in the Netherlands, Britain, France and other nations thus the bourgeoisie would come to control the politics and government of the nations.

Conquest of Siberia allowed Russia to become one of the major European powers under Peter the Great with global interests. Many metallurgy and weapons plants and other industry were located in Ural Mountains, where large deposits of valuable ores and other minerals are situated.

The Native American civilizations, which had their own unique qualities and a degree of sophistication not much appreciated by Europeans, were virtually destroyed. Ancient social and political structure were ripped up and replaced by European institutions, religion, language, and culture.

Europeans also brought horses and sheep to the New World and introduced the cultiviation of wheat. Back to Seville flowed sugar, dyes, cotton, vanilla, and hides from livestock raised on the grass-covered plains of South America. New agricultural products such as potatoes, coffee, corn and tobacco were also imported.

End of the Age of Exploration

The age of exploration is generally said to have ended in the early seventeenth century. By this time European vessels were well enough built and their navigators competent enough to travel to virtually anywhere on the planet. Exploration, of course, continued. The Arctic and Antarctic seas were not explored until the nineteenth century. It also took much longer for Europeans to reach the interior of continents such as North America, though the Amazon basin was crossed before the middle of the 16th century by Spanish conquistadores. Africa´s deep interior was not explored by Europeans until the mid to late 19th and early 20th centuries, partly because of a lack of trade potential in this region (slaves were purchased at coastal settlements), in part due to serious problems with contagious diseases in sub-Saharan Africa and the powerful Muslim Ottoman empire in the north.
2006-12-06 09:35:53 UTC
Lisbon

Encyclopædia Britannica Article





History The early period The Age of Discovery

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When the Portuguese Age of Discovery (1415–1578) began, a census of Lisbon showed 65,000 inhabitants occupying 23 parishes. A considerable number of these residents became rich, and the city was endowed with larger and more luxurious buildings. African slaves became a familiar Lisbon sight, the trade in slaves being one in which Portugal played a major role. After the great explorer Vasco da Gama led a Portuguese fleet to India in 1498, the Venetian monopoly on Oriental trade was broken; and colonies of German, Flemish, Dutch, English, and French traders established themselves in Lisbon. Greeks, Lombards, and Genoese who had lost their trading enclaves in Constantinople when that city fell to the Turks in 1453 also came to Lisbon.



King Manuel I (1495–1521) dominated this epoch, and under his rule Portugal developed its sole contribution to European architecture, an extreme style of late Gothic decoration that celebrated the voyages of discovery, Manuel, and God. The prime examples of Manueline style at Lisbon, the Tower of Belém and the Jerónimos Monastery, about four miles downstream from the city centre, are far less exuberant than those at the rival Portuguese cities of Batalha and Tomar. The tower and the monastery are nevertheless the most important architectural monuments in the Lisbon area. The five-story Tower of Belém, located on the riverbank, was built in 1515 as a fort in the middle of the Tagus, which subsequently altered course. Girt by a cable carved in the stone, it has a stern Gothic interior but exhibits its North African touches on its turrets and crenellations and presents rounded Renaissance arches for the windows. The monastery with its church and cloisters was begun in 1502 by Boytac (Boitaca), an architect of French origin, and was not finished until the end of the century. Four other architects worked on the project, their styles passing from the Gothic through the Renaissance to the Baroque. Smoothed by time, the ensemble is harmonious and proudly Portuguese.



Manuel I promoted the urbanization of the central valley between Lisbon's hills, creating a city square, the Rossio, which at once became a popular meeting place. By the Tagus he constructed a new palace, the Paços da Ribeira, with a large square laid out along its eastern flank. The area between the Rossio and the Palace Terrace (Terreiro do Paço) was soon crisscrossed with streets, along which rose the new shops, churches, and hospitals of what had become a phenomenally prosperous city.



The prosperity was chimerical, however. John (João) the Pious, who had succeeded Manuel, permanently transferred (1537) the university to the royal palace at Coimbra, far from the capital's excesses. He also invited the Jesuits and the Inquisition to come to Portugal to counter the ungodly materialism of Lisbon. The Inquisition office, located in the Rossio, was particularly ferocious in its persecution of the Jews, who were the bankers, financiers, and moneylenders of the time. Many wealthy Jews had their property and goods confiscated; some emigrated to Holland and other countries, taking their money and financial expertise with them. As a result, Lisbon's connections with foreign markets were disrupted and the country's economy suffered severe financial constraints.



Lisbon was visited with plagues and earthquakes during this time, but they proved easier to meet than the cost of 50 years of glory. Literally half the nation's population had vanished in pursuit of wealth in the new colonies. With farms deserted, food was imported from other European countries at crippling prices, and with so many skilled men absent, wages rose sharply, as did the cost of building and manufacturing materials. The colonial treasures, which had made Lisbon such a sybaritic queen of the seas, in the end cost more than they could fetch.



In 1578 King Sebastian of Portugal was killed in a disastrous invasion of Morocco: two years later, the Spanish pushed into Portugal, and Philip II of Spain became king of both countries. In 1588 it was from Lisbon that the Invincible Armada sailed against England, Portugal's oldest ally. In the half century that followed, Lisbon lived relatively well as a port for the riches of the Spanish Main. In 1640 a conspiracy of Lisbon nobles struck for freedom and drove out the Spaniards, restoring Portugal's independence. The square just north of the Rossio, Restoration Square (Praça dos Restauradores), is named for them.



With the Cromwellian treaty of 1654, following British military assistance to the Portuguese in the war with Spain, the British merchants trading and living in Lisbon set up a corporation, which became known as the British Factory. The Factory negotiated with the Portuguese government for trade concessions and other privileges, appealing to the British government to put pressure on the Portuguese authorities when necessary. Britain's economic and political influence on Portugal was strong, and the Factory remained in existence until 1810.







To cite this page:

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European exploration

Encyclopædia Britannica Article





Additional Reading The Age of Discovery

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Boies Penrose, Travel and Discovery in the Renaissance, 1420–1620 (1952, reprinted 1975), is still one of the most readable and comprehensive surveys of 15th- and 16th-century European overseas travels. A.P. Newton (ed.), The Great Age of Discovery (1932, reprinted 1969), is also a useful overview. Works on specific voyages include Cecil Jane (ed.), Select Documents Illustrating the Four Voyages of Columbus, 2 vol. (1930–33, reprinted 1967); James A. Williamson, The Voyages of the Cabots and the English Discovery of North America (1929, reprinted 1971), and The Cabot Voyages and Bristol Discovery Under Henry VII (1962, reprinted 1986); E.G.R. Taylor, Tudor Geography, 1485–1583 (1930, reprinted 1968); F.H.H. Guillemard, Life of Ferdinand Magellan (1890, reprinted 1971); and Edouard Roditi, Magellan of the Pacific (1972).





To cite this page:

MLA style:

" European exploration ." Encyclopædia Britannica. 2006. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 6 Dec. 2006 . APA style:

European exploration . (2006). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved December 6, 2006, from Encyclopædia Britannica Online: http://search.eb.com/eb/article-25976









European exploration

Encyclopædia Britannica Article





The Age of Discovery

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World map by J.M. Contarini, 1506, depicting the expanding horizons becoming known to European …

Courtesy of the trustees of the British Museum; photograph, J.R. Freeman & Co. Ltd.



In the 100 years from the mid-15th to the mid-16th century, a combination of circumstances stimulated men to seek new routes; and it was new routes rather than new lands that filled the minds of kings and commoners, scholars and seamen. First, toward the end of the 14th century, the vast empire of the Mongols was breaking up; thus, Western merchants could no longer be ensured of safe-conduct along the land routes. Second, the growing power of the Ottoman Turks, who were hostile to Christians, blocked yet more firmly the outlets to the Mediterranean of the ancient sea routes from the East. Third, new nations on the Atlantic shores of Europe were now ready to seek overseas trade and adventure.







To cite this page:

MLA style:

" European exploration ." Encyclopædia Britannica. 2006. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 6 Dec. 2006 . APA style:

European exploration . (2006). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved December 6, 2006, from Encyclopædia Britannica Online: http://search.eb.com/eb/article-25962









Vasco da Gama, 1st count da Vidigueira

Encyclopædia Britannica Article





born c. 1460, , Sines, Port.

died Dec. 24, 1524, Cochin, India





Knight of the Order of Christ, detail identified as Vasco da Gama, …

Courtesy of the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon



Portuguese navigator whose voyages to India (1497–99, 1502–03, 1524) opened up the sea route from western Europe to the East by way of the Cape of Good Hope and thus ushered in a new era in world history. He also helped make Portugal a world power.





Life.

The third son of Estêvão da Gama, a nobleman who was commander of the fortress of Sines on the coast of Alentejo province in southwestern Portugal, Vasco was born in about 1460. Little is known of his early life; he may have studied at the inland town of Évora—somewhere he learned mathematics and navigation. In 1492 King John II of Portugal sent him to the port of Setúbal, south of Lisbon, and to the Algarve, Portugal's southernmost province, to seize French ships in retaliation for French peacetime depredations against Portuguese shipping—a task that Vasco rapidly and effectively performed.



In accordance with the policy of Prince Henry the Navigator, King John was planning to send a Portuguese fleet to India to open the sea route to Asia and to outflank the Muslims, who had hitherto enjoyed a monopoly of trade with India and other eastern states. Estêvão da Gama was chosen to lead the expedition, but after his death Vasco took his place. Accounts of his appointment differ; whether he was chosen by King John and this choice confirmed by King Manuel, who ascended the throne in 1495, or whether it was King Manuel who first chose him, remains unclear. According to one version, the appointment was first offered to his eldest brother Paulo, who declined because of ill health.





The first voyage.

Da Gama sailed from Lisbon on July 8, 1497, with a fleet of four vessels—two medium-sized three-masted sailing ships, each of about 120 tons, named the “São Gabriel” and the “São Rafael”; a 50-ton caravel, named the “Berrio”; and a 200-ton storeship. They were accompanied to the Cape Verde Islands by another ship commanded by Bartolomeu Dias, the Portuguese navigator who had discovered the Cape of Good Hope a few years earlier and who was en route to the West African castle of São Jorge da Mina on the Gold Coast (now Ghana). With da Gama's fleet went three interpreters—two Arabic speakers and one who spoke several Bantu dialects. The fleet also carried padrões (stone pillars) to set up as marks of discovery and overlordship.



Passing the Canary Islands on July 15, the fleet reached the São Tiago in the Cape Verde Islands on the 26th, remaining there until August 3. Then, to avoid the currents of the Gulf of Guinea, da Gama took a circular course through the South Atlantic to the Cape of Good Hope, reaching Santa Helena Bay (in modern South Africa) on November 7. The expedition departed on November 16, but unfavourable winds delayed their rounding of the Cape of Good Hope until November 22. Three days later da Gama anchored in Mossel Bay, erected a padrão on an island, and ordered the storeship to be broken up. Sailing again on December 8, the fleet reached the coast of Natal on Christmas Day. On Jan. 11, 1498, it anchored for five days near the mouth of a small river between Natal and Mozambique, which they called the Rio do Cobre (Copper River). On January 25, in what is now Mozambique, they reached the Quelimane River, which they called the Rio dos Bons Sinais (the River of Good Omens), and erected another padrão. By this time many of the crews were sick with scurvy; the expedition rested a month while the ships were repaired.



On March 2 the fleet reached the island of Mozambique, the inhabitants of which believed the Portuguese to be Muslims like themselves. Da Gama learned that they traded with Arab merchants and that four Arab vessels laden with gold, jewels, silver, and spices were then in port; he was also told that Prester John, the long-sought Christian ruler, lived in the interior but held many coastal cities. The Sultan of Mozambique supplied da Gama with two pilots, one of whom deserted when he discovered that the Portuguese were Christians.



The expedition reached Mombasa (now in Kenya) on April 7 and dropped anchor at Malindi (also now in Kenya) on April 14, where a pilot who knew the route to Calicut, on the southwest coast of India, was taken aboard. After a 23-day run across the Indian Ocean, the Ghats Mountains of India were sighted, and Calicut was reached on May 20. There da Gama erected a padrão to prove he had reached India. Welcomed by the Zamorin, the Hindu ruler, of Calicut (then the most important trading centre of southern India), he failed, however, to conclude a treaty—partly because of the hostility of Muslim merchants and partly because the trumpery presents and cheap trade goods that he had brought, while suited to the West African trade, were hardly in demand in India.



After tension between da Gama's expedition and the Zamorin of Calicut increased, da Gama left at the end of August, taking with him five or six Hindus so that King Manuel might learn about their customs. He visited Anjidiv Island (near Goa) before sailing for Malindi, which he reached on Jan. 8, 1499. Unfavourable winds caused the expedition to take nearly three months crossing the Arabian Sea, and many of the crew died of scurvy. At Malindi, because of greatly reduced numbers, da Gama ordered the “São Rafael” to be burned; there he also erected a padrão. Mozambique, where he set up his last padrão, was reached on February 1. On March 20 the “São Gabriel” and “Berrio” rounded the Cape together but a month later were parted by a storm; the “Berrio” reached the Tagus River in Portugal on July 10. Da Gama, in the “São Gabriel,” continued to Terceira Island in the Azores, whence he is said to have dispatched his flagship to Lisbon. He himself reached Lisbon on September 9 and made his triumphal entry nine days later, spending the interval mourning his brother Paulo, who had died on Terceira. Manuel I granted Vasco the title of dom (equivalent to the English “sir”), an annual pension of 1,000 cruzados, and estates.





The second voyage.

To further da Gama's achievement, Manuel I dispatched the Portuguese navigator Pedro Álvares Cabral to Calicut with a fleet of 13 ships. Later, the Hindus, incited by the Muslims, rose in arms and massacred the Portuguese whom Cabral had left behind. To avenge this deed a new fleet was fitted out in Lisbon to be sent against Calicut and to establish Portuguese hegemony in the Indian Ocean. At first the command was to be given to Cabral, but it was later transferred to da Gama, who in January 1502 was given the rank of admiral. Da Gama himself commanded 10 ships, which were in turn supported by two flotillas of five ships each, each flotilla being under the command of one of his relations. Sailing in February 1502, the fleet called at the Cape Verdes, reaching the port of Sofala in East Africa on June 14. After calling briefly at Mozambique, the Portuguese expedition sailed to Kilwa, in what is now Tanzania. The ruler of Kilwa, the amir Ibrahim, had been unfriendly to Cabral; da Gama threatened to burn Kilwa if the Amir did not submit to the Portuguese and swear loyalty to King Manuel, which he then did.



Coasting southern Arabia, da Gama then called at Goa (later the focus of Portuguese power in India) before proceeding to Cannanore, a port in southwestern India to the north of Calicut, where he lay in wait for Arab shipping. After several days an Arab ship arrived with merchandise and between 200 and 400 passengers, including women and children. After seizing the cargo, da Gama shut up the passengers aboard the captured ship and set it afire, killing all on board, the cruelest act of his career.



After da Gama formed an alliance with the ruler of Cannanore, an enemy of the Zamorin, the fleet sailed to Calicut. The Zamorin offered friendship, but da Gama rejected the offer and presented an ultimatum that the Muslims be banished from the port. To show that he meant what he threatened, da Gama bombarded the port and seized and massacred 38 Hindu fishermen who had sailed out to his ships to sell their wares; their bodies were then thrown overboard, to be washed ashore. The Portuguese then sailed south to the port of Cochin, with whose ruler (an enemy of the Zamorin) they formed an alliance. After an invitation to da Gama from the Zamorin had proved to be an attempt to entrap him, the Portuguese had a brief fight with Arab ships off Calicut but put them to full flight. On Feb. 20, 1503, the fleet left Cannanore for Mozambique on the first stage of their return voyage, reaching the Tagus on October 11.





The third voyage.

Obscurity surrounds the reception of da Gama on his return by King Manuel. Da Gama seemingly felt himself inadequately recompensed for his pains. Controversy broke out between the Admiral and the Order (i.e., religious association) of São Tiago over the ownership of the town of Sines, which the Admiral had been promised but which the order refused to yield. Da Gama had married a lady of good family, Caterina de Ataíde—perhaps in 1500 after his return from his first voyage—and he then appears to have retired to the town of Évora. He was later granted additional privileges and revenues, and his wife bore him six sons. Until 1505 he continued to advise the King on Indian matters, and he was created count of Vidigueira in 1519. Not until after King Manuel died was he again sent overseas; King John III nominated him in 1524 as Portuguese viceroy in India.



Arriving in Goa in September, da Gama immediately set himself to correct the many administrative abuses that had crept in under his predecessors. Whether from overwork or other causes, he soon fell ill and died in Cochin in December. In 1538 his body was taken back to Portugal.







Eila M.J. Campbell



Additional Reading

There is no autobiography of Vasco da Gama. Portuguese chroniclers wrote at length about his voyage of 1497–99, and some of them must have had access to secret documents since destroyed. The only one translated into English is that of Gaspear Correa (c. 1490–1565) from his Lendas da India; see The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama, and His Viceroyalty, ed. by Lord Stanley of Alderley (1869, reprinted 1963). The only firsthand account of the first voyage has also been printed in English in E.G. Ravenstein (ed.), A Journal [by an Unknown Writer] of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama, 1497–1499 (1898, reprinted 1963). A later and more definitive edition has been printed in Portuguese in Abel Fontoura da Costa (ed.), Roteiro da Primeira Viagem de Vasco da Gama, 1497–1499 por Alvaro Velho, 3rd ed. (1969). An outstanding synthesis of the background of Vasco da Gama's achievements is found in John H. Parry, The Age of Reconnaissance: Discovery, Exploration and Settlement, 1450–1650, 2nd ed. (1966). For brief accounts together with English translations of extracts from early documents, see John H. Parry (ed.), The European Reconnaissance: Selected Documents (1968). The unique manuscript copy of the three Roteiros (sailing directions) of Vasco da Gama's Arab pilot, Ahmad ibn Madjid, has not been fully translated and printed in English, but see A.G.R. Tibbetts, Arab Navigation in the Indian Ocean Before the Coming of the Portuguese (1971). For the definitive Portuguese translation of the Arab text, see T.A. Chumovsky (ed.), Três Roteiros desconhecidos de Ahmad ibn Madjid (1960).





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Christopher Columbus

Encyclopædia Britannica Article





born between August 26 and October 31?, 1451, Genoa [Italy]

died May 20, 1506, Valladolid, Spain





Christopher Columbus.

Ann Ronan Picture Library/Heritage-Images



Italian Cristoforo Colombo , Spanish Cristóbal Colón master navigator and admiral whose four transatlantic voyages (1492–93, 1493–96, 1498–1500, and 1502–04) opened the way for European exploration, exploitation, and colonization of the Americas. He has long been called the “discoverer” of the New World, although Vikings such as Leif Eriksson had visited North America five centuries earlier. Columbus made his transatlantic voyages under the sponsorship of Ferdinand II and Isabella I, the Catholic Monarchs of Aragon, Castile, and Leon in Spain. He was at first full of hope and ambition, an ambition partly gratified by his title “Admiral of the Ocean Sea,” awarded to him in April 1492, and by the grants enrolled in the Book of Privileges (a record of his titles and claims); however, he died a disappointed man.



The period between the quatercentenary celebrations of Columbus's achievements in 1892–93 and the quincentenary ones of 1992 saw great advances in Columbus scholarship. Numerous books about Columbus appeared in the 1990s, and the insights of archaeologists and anthropologists began to complement those of sailors and historians. This effort has given rise, as might be expected, to considerable debate. There was also a major shift in approach and interpretation; the older pro-European understanding has given way to one shaped from the perspective of the inhabitants of the Americas themselves. According to the older understanding, the “discovery” of the Americas was a great triumph, one in which Columbus played the part of hero in accomplishing the four voyages, in being the means of bringing great material profit to Spain and to other European countries, and in opening up the Americas to European settlement. The more recent perspective, however, has concentrated on the destructive side of the European conquest, emphasizing, for example, the disastrous impact of the slave trade and the ravages of imported disease on the indigenous peoples of the Caribbean region and the American continents. The sense of triumph has diminished accordingly, and the view of Columbus as hero has now been replaced, for many, by one of a man deeply flawed. While this second perception rarely doubts Columbus's sincerity or abilities as a navigator, it emphatically removes him from his position of honour. Political activists of all kinds have intervened in the debate, further hindering the reconciliation of these disparate views.





Life

Early career and preparation for the first voyage

Little is known of Columbus's early life. The vast majority of scholars, citing Columbus's testament of 1498 and archival documents from Genoa and Savona, believe that he was born in Genoa to a Christian household; however, it has been claimed that he was a converted Jew or that he was born in Spain, Portugal, or elsewhere. Columbus was the eldest son of Domenico Colombo, a Genoese wool worker and merchant, and Susanna Fontanarossa, his wife. His career as a seaman began effectively in the Portuguese merchant marine. After surviving a shipwreck off Cape St. Vincent at the southwestern point of Portugal in 1476, he based himself in Lisbon, together with his brother Bartholomew. Both were employed as chart makers, but Columbus was principally a seagoing entrepreneur. In 1477 he sailed to Iceland and Ireland with the merchant marine, and in 1478 he was buying sugar in Madeira as an agent for the Genoese firm of Centurioni. In 1479 he met and married Felipa Perestrello e Moniz, a member of an impoverished noble Portuguese family. Their son, Diego, was born in 1480. Between 1482 and 1485 Columbus traded along the Guinea and Gold coasts of tropical West Africa and made at least one voyage to the Portuguese fortress of São Jorge da Mina there, gaining knowledge of Portuguese navigation and the Atlantic wind systems along the way. Felipa died in 1485, and Columbus took as his mistress Beatriz Enríquez de Harana of Córdoba, by whom he had his second son, Ferdinand.



In 1484 Columbus began seeking support for an Atlantic crossing from King John II of Portugal but was denied aid. (Some conspiracy theorists have alleged that Columbus made a secret pact with the monarch, but there is no evidence of this.) By 1486 Columbus was firmly in Spain, asking for patronage from King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella. After at least two rejections, he at last obtained royal support in January 1492. This was achieved chiefly through the interventions of the Spanish treasurer, Luis de Santángel, and of the Franciscan friars of La Rábida, near Huelva, with whom Columbus had stayed in the summer of 1491. Juan Pérez of La Rábida had been one of the queen's confessors and perhaps procured him the crucial audience.



Christian missionary and anti-Islamic fervour, the power of Castile and Aragon, the fear of Portugal, the lust for gold, the desire for adventure, the hope of conquests, and Europe's genuine need for a reliable supply of herbs and spices for cooking, preserving, and medicine all combined to produce an explosion of energy that launched the first voyage. Columbus had been present at the siege of Granada, which was the last Moorish stronghold to fall to Spain (January 2, 1492), and he was in fact riding back from Grenada to La Rábida when he was recalled to the Spanish court and the vital royal audience. Granada's fall had produced euphoria among Spanish Christians and encouraged designs of ultimate triumph over the Islamic world, albeit chiefly, perhaps, by the back way round the globe. A direct assault eastward could prove difficult, because the Ottoman Empire and other Islamic states in the region had been gaining strength at a pace that was threatening the Christian monarchies themselves. The Islamic powers had effectively closed the land routes to the East and made the sea route south from the Red Sea extremely hard to access.



In the letter that prefaces his journal of the first voyage, the admiral vividly evokes his own hopes and binds them all together with the conquest of the infidel, the victory of Christianity, and the westward route to discovery and Christian alliance:



…and I saw the Moorish king come out of the gates of the city and kiss the royal hands of Your Highnesses…and Your Highnesses, as Catholic Christians…took thought to send me, Christopher Columbus, to the said parts of India, to see those princes and peoples and lands…and the manner which should be used to bring about their conversion to our holy faith, and ordained that I should not go by land to the eastward, by which way it was the custom to go, but by way of the west, by which down to this day we do not know certainly that anyone has passed; therefore, having driven out all the Jews from your realms and lordships in the same month of January, Your Highnesses commanded me that, with a sufficient fleet, I should go to the said parts of India, and for this accorded me great rewards and ennobled me so that from that time henceforth I might style myself “Don” and be high admiral of the Ocean Sea and viceroy and perpetual Governor of the islands and continent which I should discover…and that my eldest son should succeed to the same position, and so on from generation to generation forever.





Thus a great number of interests were involved in this adventure, which was, in essence, the attempt to find a route to the rich land of Cathay (China), to India, and to the fabled gold and spice islands of the East by sailing westward over what was presumed to be open sea. Columbus himself clearly hoped to rise from his humble beginnings in this way, to accumulate riches for his family, and to join the ranks of the nobility of Spain. In a similar manner, but at a more exalted level, the Catholic Monarchs hoped that such an enterprise would gain them greater status among the monarchies of Europe, especially against their main rival, Portugal. Then, in alliance with the papacy (in this case, with the Borgia pope Alexander VI [1492–1503]), they might hope to take the lead in the Christian war against the infidel.



At a more elevated level still, Franciscan brethren were preparing for the eventual end of the world, as they believed was prophesied in the Revelation to John. According to that eschatological vision, Christendom would recapture Jerusalem and install a Christian emperor in the Holy Land as a precondition for the coming and defeat of Antichrist, the Christian conversion of the whole human race, and the Last Judgment. Franciscans and others hoped that Columbus's westward project would help to finance a Crusade to the Holy Land that might even be reinforced by, or coordinated with, offensives from the legendary ruler Prester John, who was thought to survive with his descendants in the lands to the east of the infidel. The emperor of Cathay—whom Europeans referred to as the Great Khan of the Golden Horde—was himself held to be interested in Christianity, and Columbus carefully carried a letter of friendship addressed to him by the Spanish monarchs. Finally, the Portuguese explorer Bartolomeu Dias was known to have pressed southward along the coast of West Africa, beyond São Jorge da Mina, in an effort to find an easterly route to Cathay and India by sea. It would never do to allow the Portuguese to find the sea route first.





The first voyage



The voyages of Christopher Columbus.





The ships for the first voyage—the Niña, Pinta, and Santa María—were fitted out at Palos, on the Tinto River in Spain. Consortia put together by a royal treasury official and composed mainly of Genoese and Florentine bankers in Sevilla (Seville) provided at least 1,140,000 maravedis to outfit the expedition, and Columbus supplied more than a third of the sum contributed by the king and queen. Queen Isabella did not, then, have to pawn her jewels (a myth first put about by Bartolomé de Las Casas in the 16th century).



The little fleet left on August 3, 1492. The admiral's navigational genius showed itself immediately, for they sailed southward to the Canary Islands, off the northwest African mainland, rather than sailing due west to the islands of the Azores. The westerlies prevailing in the Azores had defeated previous attempts to sail to the west, but in the Canaries the three ships could pick up the northeast trade winds; supposedly, they could trust to the westerlies for their return. After nearly a month in the Canaries the ships set out from San Sebastián de la Gomera on September 6. On several occasions in September and early October, sailors spotted floating vegetation and various types of birds—all taken as signs that land was nearby. But by October 10 the crew had begun to lose patience, complaining that with their failure to make landfall, contrary winds and a shortage of provisions would keep them from returning home. Columbus allayed their fears, at least temporarily, and on October 12 land was sighted from the Pinta (though Columbus, on the Niña, later claimed the privilege for himself). The place of the first Caribbean landfall is hotly disputed, but San Salvador, or Watling, Island is currently preferred to Samana Cay, Rum Cay, the Plana Cays, or the Turks and Caicos Islands. Beyond planting the royal banner, however, Columbus spent little time there, being anxious to press on to Cipango, or Cipangu (Japan). He thought that he had found it in Cuba, where he landed on October 28, but he convinced himself by November 1 that Cuba was the Cathay mainland itself, though he had yet to see evidence of great cities. Thus, on December 5, he turned back southeastward to search for the fabled city of Zaiton, missing through this decision his sole chance of setting foot on Florida soil.







Landing of Columbus, oil on canvas by Albert Bierstadt, c. 1893; …

The Newark Museum/Art Resource, New York



Adverse winds carried the fleet to an island called Ayti (Haiti) by its Taino inhabitants; on December 6 Columbus renamed it La Isla Española, or Hispaniola. He seems to have thought that Hispaniola might be Cipango or, if not Cipango, then perhaps one of the legendarily rich isles from which King Solomon's triennial fleet brought back gold, gems, and spices to Jerusalem (1 Kings 10:11, 22); alternatively, he reasoned that the island could be related to the biblical kingdom of Sheba (Saba'). There Columbus found at least enough gold and prosperity to save him from ridicule on his return to Spain. With the help of a Taino cacique, or Indian chief, named Guacanagarí, he set up a stockade on the northern coast of the island, named it La Navidad, and posted 39 men to guard it until his return. The accidental running aground of the Santa María provided additional planks and provisions for the garrison.



On January 16, 1493, Columbus left with his remaining two ships for Spain. The journey back was a nightmare. The westerlies did indeed direct them homeward, but in mid-February a terrible storm engulfed the fleet. The Niña was driven to seek harbour at Santa Maria in the Azores, where Columbus led a pilgrimage of thanksgiving to the shrine of the Virgin; however, hostile Portuguese authorities temporarily imprisoned the group. After securing their freedom Columbus sailed on, stormbound, and the damaged ship limped to port in Lisbon. There he was obliged to interview with King John II. These events left Columbus under the suspicion of collaborating with Spain's enemies and cast a shadow on his return to Palos on March 15.



On this first voyage many tensions built up that were to remain through all of Columbus's succeeding efforts. First and perhaps most damaging of all, the admiral's apparently high religious and even mystical aspirations were incompatible with the realities of trading, competition, and colonization. Columbus never openly acknowledged this gulf and so was quite incapable of bridging it. The admiral also adopted a mode of sanctification and autocratic leadership that made him many enemies. Moreover, Columbus was determined to take back both material and human cargo to his sovereigns and for himself, and this could be accomplished only if his sailors carried on looting, kidnapping, and other violent acts, especially on Hispaniola. Although he did control some of his men's excesses, these developments blunted his ability to retain the high moral ground and the claim in particular that his “discoveries” were divinely ordained. Further, the Spanish court revived its latent doubts about the foreigner Columbus's loyalty to Spain, and some of Columbus's companions set themselves against him. Captain Pinzón had disputed the route as the fleet reached the Bahamas; he had later sailed the Pinta away from Cuba, and Columbus, on November 21, failing to rejoin him until January 6. The Pinta made port at Bayona on its homeward journey, separately from Columbus and the Niña. Had Pinzón not died so soon after his return, Columbus's command of the second voyage might have been less than assured. As it was, the Pinzón family became his rivals for reward.





The second and third voyages



The voyages of Christopher Columbus.





The gold, parrots, spices, and human captives Columbus displayed for his sovereigns at Barcelona convinced all of the need for a rapid second voyage. Columbus was now at the height of his popularity, and he led at least 17 ships out from Cádiz on September 25, 1493. Colonization and Christian evangelization were openly included this time in the plans, and a group of friars shipped with him. The presence of some 1,300 salaried men with perhaps 200 private investors and a small troop of cavalry are testimony to the anticipations for the expedition.



Sailing again via Gomera in the Canary Islands, the fleet took a more southerly course than on the first voyage and reached Dominica in the Lesser Antilles on November 3. After sighting the Virgin Islands, it entered Samaná Bay in Hispaniola on November 23. Michele de Cuneo, deeply impressed by this unerring return, remarked that “since Genoa was Genoa there was never born a man so well equipped and expert in navigation as the said lord Admiral.”



An expedition to Navidad four days later was shocked to find the stockade destroyed and the men dead. Here was a clear sign that Taino resistance had gathered strength. More fortified places were rapidly built, including a city, founded on January 2 and named La Isabela for the queen. On February 2 Antonio de Torres left La Isabela with 12 ships, some gold, spices, parrots, and captives (most of whom died en route), as well as the bad news about Navidad and some complaints about Columbus's methods of government. While Torres headed for Spain, two of Columbus's subordinates, Alonso de Ojeda and Pedro Margarit, took revenge for the massacre at Navidad and captured slaves. In March Columbus explored the Cibao Valley (thought to be the gold-bearing region of the island) and established the fortress of St. Thomas there. Then, late in April, Columbus led the Niña and two other ships to explore the Cuban coastline and search for gold in Jamaica, only to conclude that Hispaniola promised the richest spoils for the settlers. The admiral decided that Hispaniola was indeed the biblical land of Sheba and that Cuba was the mainland of Cathay. On June 12, 1494, Columbus insisted that his men swear a declaration to that effect—an indication that he intended to convince his sovereign he had reached Cathay, though not all of Columbus's company agreed with him. The following year he began a determined conquest of Hispaniola, spreading devastation among the Taino. There is evidence, especially in the objections of a friar, Bernardo Buil, that Columbus's methods remained harsh.



The admiral departed La Isabela for Spain on March 10, 1496, leaving his brothers, Bartholomew and Diego, in charge of the settlement. He reached Cádiz on June 11 and immediately pressed his plans for a third voyage upon his sovereigns, who were at Burgos. Spain was then at war with France and needed to buy and keep its alliances; moreover, the yield from the second voyage had fallen well short of the investment. Portugal was still a threat, though the two nations had divided the Atlantic conveniently between themselves in the Treaty of Tordesillas (June 7, 1494). According to the treaty Spain might take all land west of a line drawn from pole to pole 370 leagues—i.e., about 1,185 miles (1,910 km)—west of the Cape Verde Islands, whereas Portugal could claim land to the east of the line; but what about the other side of the world, where West met East? Also, there might be a previously undiscovered antipodean continent; who, then, should be trusted to draw the line there? Ferdinand and Isabella therefore made a cautious third investment. Six ships left Sanlúcar de Barrameda on May 30, 1498, three filled with explorers and three with provisions for the settlement on Hispaniola. It was clear now that Columbus was expected both to find great prizes and to establish the flag of Spain firmly in the East.



Certainly he found prizes, but not quite of the kind his sponsors required. His aim was to explore to the south of the existing discoveries, in the hope of finding both a strait from Cuba (his “Cathay”) to India and, perhaps, the unknown antipodean continent. On June 21 the provision ships left Gomera for Hispaniola, while the explorers headed south for the Cape Verde Islands. Columbus began the Atlantic crossing on July 4 from São Tiago Island in Cape Verde. He discovered the principle of compass variation (the variation at any point on the Earth's surface between the direction to magnetic and geographic north), for which he made brilliant allowance on the journey from Margarita Island to Hispaniola on the later leg of this voyage, and he also observed, though misunderstood, the diurnal rotation of the northern polestar (Polaris). After stopping at Trinidad (named for the Holy Trinity, whose protection he had invoked for the voyage), Columbus entered the Gulf of Paria and planted the Spanish flag on the Paria Peninsula in Venezuela. He sent the caravel El Corréo southward to investigate the mouth of the Grande River (a northern branch of the Orinoco River delta), and by August 15 he knew by the great torrents of fresh water flowing into the Gulf of Paria that he had discovered another continent—“another world.” But he did not find the strait to India, nor did he find King Solomon's gold mines, which his reading had led him and his sovereigns to expect in these latitudes; and he made only disastrous discoveries when he returned to Hispaniola.



Both the Taino and the European immigrants had resented the rule of Bartholomew and Diego Columbus. A rebellion by the mayor of La Isabela, Francisco Roldán, had led to appeals to the Spanish court, and, even as Columbus attempted to restore order (partly by hangings), the Spanish chief justice, Francisco de Bobadilla, was on his way to the colony with a royal commission to investigate the complaints. It is hard to explain exactly what the trouble was. Columbus's report to his sovereigns from the second voyage, taken back by Torres and so known as the Torres Memorandum, speaks of sickness, poor provisioning, recalcitrant natives, and undisciplined hidalgos (gentry). It may be that these problems had intensified. But the Columbus family must be held at least partly responsible, intent as it was on enslaving the Taino and shipping them to Europe or forcing them to mine gold on Hispaniola. Under Columbus's original system of gold production, local chiefs had been in charge of delivering gold on a loose per capita basis; the adelantado (governor) Bartholomew Columbus had replaced that policy with a system of direct exploitation led by favoured Spaniards, causing widespread dissent among unfavoured Spaniards and indigenous chiefs. Bobadilla ruled against the Columbus family when he arrived in Hispaniola. He clapped Columbus and his two brothers in irons and sent them promptly back on the ship La Gorda, and they arrived at Cádiz in late October 1500.



During that return journey Columbus composed a long letter to his sovereigns that is one of the most extraordinary he wrote, and one of the most informative. One part of its exalted, almost mystical, quality may be attributed to the humiliations the admiral had endured (humiliations he compounded by refusing to allow the captain of the La Gorda to remove his chains during the voyage) and another to the fact that he was now suffering severely from sleeplessness, eyestrain, and a form of rheumatoid arthritis, which may have hastened his death. Much of what he said in the letter, however, seems genuinely to have expressed his beliefs. It shows that Columbus had absolute faith in his navigational abilities, his seaman's sense of the weather, his eyes, and his reading. He asserted that he had reached the outer region of the Earthly Paradise, in that, during his earlier approach to Trinidad and the Paria Peninsula, the polestar's rotation had given him the impression that the fleet was climbing. The weather had become extremely mild, and the flow of fresh water into the Gulf of Paria was, as he saw, enormous. All this could have one explanation only—they had mounted toward the temperate heights of the Earthly Paradise, heights from which the rivers of Paradise ran into the sea. Columbus had found all such signs of the outer regions of the Earthly Paradise in his reading, and indeed they were widely known. On this estimate, he was therefore close to the realms of gold that lay near Paradise. He had not found the gold yet, to be sure, but he knew where it was. Columbus's expectations thus allowed him to interpret his discoveries in terms of biblical and classical sources and to do so in a manner that would be comprehensible to his sponsors and favourable to himself.



This letter, desperate though it was, convinced the sovereigns that, even if he had not yet found the prize, he had been close to it after all. They ordered his release and gave him audience at Granada in late December 1500. They accepted that Columbus's capacities as navigator and explorer were unexcelled, although he was an unsatisfactory governor, and on September 3, 1501, they appointed Nicolás de Ovando to succeed Bobadilla to the governorship. Columbus, though ill and importunate, was a better investment than the many adventurers and profiteers who had meantime been licensed to compete with him, and there was always the danger (revealed in some of the letters of this period) that he would offer his services to his native Genoa. In October 1501 Columbus went to Sevilla to make ready his fourth and final expedition.





The fourth voyage and final years



The voyages of Christopher Columbus.





The winter and spring of 1501–02 were exceedingly busy. The four chosen ships were bought, fitted, and crewed, and some 20 of Columbus's extant letters and memoranda were written then, many in exculpation of Bobadilla's charges, others pressing even harder the nearness of the Earthly Paradise and the need to reconquer Jerusalem. Columbus took to calling himself “Christbearer” in his letters and to using a strange and mystical signature, never satisfactorily explained. He began also, with all these thoughts and pressures in mind, to compile his Book of Privileges, which defends the titles and financial claims of the Columbus family, and his apocalyptic Book of Prophecies, which includes several biblical passages. The first compilation seems an odd companion to the second, yet both were closely linked in the admiral's own mind. He seems to have been certain that his mission was divinely guided. Thus, the loftiness of his spiritual aspirations increased as the threats to his personal ones mounted. In the midst of all these efforts and hazards, Columbus sailed from Cádiz on his fourth voyage on May 9, 1502.



Columbus's sovereigns had lost much of their confidence in him, and there is much to suggest that pity mingled with hope in their support. His four ships contrasted sharply with the 30 granted to the governor Ovando. His illnesses were worsening, and the hostility to his rule in Hispaniola was unabated. Thus, Ferdinand and Isabella forbade him to return there. He was to resume, instead, his interrupted exploration of the “other world” to the south that he had found on his third voyage and to look particularly for gold and the strait to India. Columbus expected to meet the Portuguese navigator Vasco da Gama in the East, and the sovereigns instructed him on the appropriate courteous behaviour for such a meeting—another sign, perhaps, that they did not wholly trust him. They were right. He departed from Gran Canaria on the night of May 25, made landfall at Martinique on June 15 (after the fastest crossing to date), and was, by June 29, demanding entrance to Santo Domingo on Hispaniola. Only on being refused entry by Ovando did he sail away to the west and south. From July to September 1502 he explored the coast of Jamaica, the southern shore of Cuba, Honduras, and the Mosquito Coast of Nicaragua. His feat of Caribbean transnavigation, which took him to Bonacca Island off Cape Honduras on July 30, deserves to be reckoned on a par, as to difficulty, with that of crossing the Atlantic, and the admiral was justly proud of it. The fleet continued southward along Costa Rica. Constantly probing for the strait, Columbus sailed round the Chiriquí Lagoon (in Panama) in October; then, searching for gold, he explored the Panamanian region of Veragua (Veraguas) in the foulest of weather. In order to exploit the promising gold yield he was beginning to find there, the admiral in February 1503 attempted to establish a trading post at Santa María de Belén on the bank of the Belén (Bethlehem) River under the command of Bartholomew Columbus. However, Indian resistance and the poor condition of his ships (of which only two remained, fearfully holed by shipworm) caused him to turn back to Hispaniola. On this voyage disaster again struck. Against Columbus's better judgment, his pilots turned the fleet north too soon. The ships could not make the distance and had to be beached on the coast of Jamaica. By June 1503 Columbus and his crews were castaways.



Columbus had hoped, as he said to his sovereigns, that “my hard and troublesome voyage may yet turn out to be my noblest”; it was in fact the most disappointing of all and the most unlucky. In its explorations the fleet had missed discovering the Pacific (across the isthmus of Panama) and failed to make contact with the Maya of Yucatán by the narrowest of margins. Two of the men—Diego Méndez and Bartolomeo Fieschi, captains of the wrecked ships La Capitana and Vizcaíno, respectively—left about July 17 by canoe to get help for the castaways; although they managed to traverse the 450 miles (720 km) of open sea to Hispaniola, Ovando made no great haste to deliver that help. In the meantime, the admiral displayed his acumen once again by correctly predicting an eclipse of the Moon from his astronomical tables, thus frightening the local peoples into providing food; but rescuers did not arrive until June 1504, and Columbus and his men did not reach Hispaniola until August 13 of that year. On November 7 he sailed back to Sanlúcar and found that Queen Isabella, his main supporter, had made her will and was dying.







Guards protecting the supposed tomb of Christopher Columbus at the Columbus Lighthouse, Santo …

© Richard Bickel/Corbis



Columbus always maintained that he had found the true Indies and Cathay in the face of mounting evidence that he had not. Perhaps he genuinely believed that he had been there; in any event, his disallowances of the “New World” hindered his goals of nobility and wealth and dented his later reputation. Columbus had been remote from his companions and intending colonists, and he had been a poor judge of the ambitions, and perhaps the failings, of those who sailed with him. This combination proved damaging to almost all of his hopes. Nonetheless, it would be wrong to suppose that Columbus spent his final two years wholly in illness, poverty, and oblivion. His son Diego was well established at court, and the admiral himself lived in Sevilla in some style. His “tenth” of the gold diggings in Hispaniola, guaranteed in 1493, provided a substantial revenue (against which his Genoese bankers allowed him to draw), and one of the few ships to escape a hurricane off Hispaniola in 1502 (in which Bobadilla himself went down) was that carrying Columbus's gold. He felt himself ill-used and shortchanged nonetheless, and these years were marred, for both him and King Ferdinand, by his constant pressing for redress. Columbus followed the court from Segovia to Salamanca and Valladolid, attempting to gain an audience. He knew that his life was nearing its end, and in August 1505 he began to amend his will. He died on May 20, 1506. First he was laid in the Franciscan friary in Valladolid, then taken to the family mausoleum established at the Carthusian monastery of Las Cuevas in Sevilla. In 1542, by the will of his son Diego, Columbus's bones were laid with his own in the Cathedral of Santo Domingo, Hispaniola (now in the Dominican Republic). After Spain ceded Hispaniola to France, the remains were moved to Havana, Cuba, in 1795 and returned to Sevilla in 1898. In 1877, however, workers at the cathedral in Santo Domingo claimed to have found another set of bones that were marked as those of Columbus. Since 1992 these bones have been interred in the Columbus Lighthouse (Faro a Colón).





Principal evidence of travels

Remains

There are few material remains of Columbus's travels. Efforts to find the Spaniards' first settlement on Hispaniola have so far failed, but the present-day fishing village of Bord de Mer de Limonade (near Cap-Haïtien, Haiti) may be close to the original site, and a Taino chieftain's settlement has been identified nearby. Concepción de la Vega, which Columbus founded on the second voyage, may be the present La Vega Vieja, in the Dominican Republic. Remains at the site of La Isabela are still to be fully excavated, as are those at Sevilla la Nueva, Jamaica, where Columbus's two caravels were beached on the fourth voyage. The techniques of skeletal paleopathology and paleodemography are being applied with some success to determine the fates of the native populations.





Written sources

The majority of the surviving primary sources about Columbus are not private diaries or missives; instead, they were intended to be read by other people. There is, then, an element of manipulation about them—a fact that must be borne fully in mind for their proper understanding. Foremost among these sources are the journals written by Columbus himself for his sovereigns—one for the first voyage, now lost though partly reconstructed; one for the second, almost wholly gone; and one for the third, which, like the first, is accessible through reconstructions made by using later quotations. Each of the journals may be supplemented by letters and reports to and from the sovereigns and their trusted officials and friends, provisioning decrees from the sovereigns, and, in the case of the second voyage, letters and reports of letters from fellow voyagers (especially Michele da Cuneo, Diego Alvarez Chanca, and Guillermo Coma). There is no journal and only one letter from the fourth voyage, but a complete roster and payroll survive from this, alone of all the voyages; in addition, an eyewitness account survives that has been plausibly attributed to Columbus's younger son, Ferdinand (born c. 1488), who traveled with the admiral. Further light is thrown upon the explorations by the so-called Pleitos de Colón, judicial documents concerning Columbus's disputed legacy. A more recent discovery is a copybook that purportedly contains five narrative letters and two personal ones from Columbus, all previously unknown, as well as additional copies of two known letters—all claimed as authentic. Supplemental narratives include The Life of the Admiral Christopher Columbus, which has been attributed to Ferdinand Columbus, the Historia de los Reyes Católicos (c. 1500) of Andrés Bernáldez (a friend of Columbus and chaplain to the archbishop of Sevilla), and the Historia de las Indias, which was compiled about 1550–63 by Bartolomé de Las Casas (former bishop of Chiapas and a champion of the indigenous people of the Americas).



Columbus's intentions and presuppositions may be better understood by examining the few books still extant from his own library. Some of these were extensively annotated, often by the admiral and sometimes by his brother Bartholomew, including copies of the Imago mundi by the 15th-century French theologian Pierre d'Ailly (a compendium containing a great number of cosmological and theological texts), the Historia rerum ubique gestarum of Pope Pius II, published in 1477, the version of The Travels of Marco Polo known as the De consuetudinibus et condicionibus orientalium regionum of Francesco Pipino (1483–85), Alfonso de Palencia's late 15th-century Castilian translation of Plutarch's Parallel Lives, and the humanist Cristoforo Landino's Italian translation of the Natural History of Pliny the Elder. Other books known to have been in Columbus's possession are the Guide to Geography of the ancient astronomer and geographer Ptolemy, the Catholicon of the 15th-century encyclopaedist John of Genoa, and a popular handbook to confession, the Confessionale produced by the Dominican St. Antoninus of Florence. The whole shows that the admiral was adept in Latin, Castilian, and Italian, if not expert in all three. He annotated primarily in Latin and Spanish, very rarely in Italian. He had probably already read and annotated at least the first three named texts before he set out on his first voyage to the “Indies.” Columbus was a deeply religious and reflective man as well as a distinguished seaman, and, being largely self-taught, he had a reverence for learning, perhaps especially the learning of his most influential Spanish supporters. A striking manifestation of his sensibilities is the Book of Prophecies, a collection of pronouncements largely taken from the Bible and seeming to bear directly on his role in the western voyages; the book was probably compiled by Columbus and his friend the Carthusian friar Gaspar Gorricio between September 1501 and March 1502, with additions until circa 1505.





Calculations

Contrary to common lore, Columbus never thought that the world was flat. Educated Europeans had known that the Earth was spherical in shape since at least the early 7th century, when the popular Etymologies of St. Isidore of Sevilla were produced in Spain. Columbus's miscalculations, such as they were, lay in other areas. First, his estimate of the sea distance to be crossed to Cathay was wildly inaccurate. Columbus rejected Ptolemy's estimate of the journey from West to East overland, substituting a far longer one based on a chart (now lost) supplied by the Florentine mathematician and geographer Paolo Toscanelli, and on Columbus's preference for the calculations of the classical geographer Marinus of Tyre. Additionally, Columbus's reading primarily of the 13th–14th-century Venetian Marco Polo's Travels gave him the idea that the lands of the East stretched out far around the back of the globe, with the island of Cipango—itself surrounded by islands—located a further 1,500 miles (2,400 km) from the mainland of Cathay. He seems to have argued that this archipelago might be near the Azores. Columbus also read the seer Salathiel-Ezra in the books of Esdras, from the Apocrypha (especially 2 Esdras 6:42, in which the prophet states that the Earth is six parts land to one of water), thus reinforcing these ideas of the proportion of land- to sea-crossing. The mistake was further compounded by his idiosyncratic view of the length of a degree of geographic latitude. The degree, according to Arabic calculators, consisted of 56 2/3 Arab miles, and an Arab mile measured 6,481 feet (1,975.5 metres). Given that a nautical mile measures 6,076 feet (1,852 metres), this degree amounts to approximately 60.45 nautical miles (112 km). Columbus, however, used the Italian mile of 4,847 feet (1,477.5 metres) for his computations and thus arrived at approximately 45 nautical miles (83 km) to a degree. This shortened the supposed distance across the sea westward to such an extent that Zaiton, Marco Polo's great port of Cathay, would have lain a little to the east of present-day San Diego, California, U.S.; also, the islands of Cipango would have been about as far north of the Equator as the Virgin Islands—close to where Columbus actually made his landfalls. (See also Sidebar: Measuring the Earth, Classical and Arabic.)



The miscalculation of distance may have been willful on Columbus's part and made with an eye to his sponsors. The first journal suggests that Columbus may have been aware of his inaccuracy, for he consistently concealed from his sailors the great number of miles they had covered, lest they become fearful for the journey back. Such manipulations may be interpreted as evidence of bravery and the need to inspire confidence rather than of simple dishonesty or error.





Assessment

The debate about Columbus's character and achievements began at least as early as the first rebellion of the Taino Indians and continued with Roldán, Bobadilla, and Ovando. It has been revived periodically (notably by Las Casas and Jean-Jacques Rousseau) ever since. The Columbus quincentenary of 1992 rekindled the intensity of this early questioning and redirected its aims, often with insightful results. The word “encounter” is now preferred to “discovery” when describing the contacts between Europe and the Americas, and more attention has been paid to the fate of indigenous Americans and to the perspectives of non-Christians. Enlightening discoveries have been made about the diseases that reached the New World through Columbus's agency as well as those his sailors took back with them to the Old. The pendulum may, however, have swung too far. Columbus has been blamed for events far beyond his own reach or knowledge, and too little attention has been paid to the historical circumstances that conditioned him. His obsessions with lineage and imperialism, his zealous religious beliefs, his enslaving of indigenous peoples, and his execution of colonial subjects come from a world remote from that of modern democratic ideas, but it was the world to which he belonged. The forces of European expansion, with their slaving and search for gold, had been unleashed before him and were quite beyond his control; he simply decided to be in their vanguard. He succeeded. Columbus's towering stature as a seaman and navigator, the sheer power of his religious convictions (self-delusory as they sometimes were), his personal magnetism, his courage, his endurance, his determination, and, above all, his achievements as an explorer should continue to be recognized.







Valerie I.J. Flint



Additional Reading

Editions of Columbus's writings include Cecil Jane (trans. and ed.), Select Documents Illustrating the Four Voyages of Columbus, 2 vol. (1930–33, reprinted 1967), a classic work that is gracefully written, though with some inaccuracies; Samuel Eliot Morison (trans. and ed.), Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (1963), which is dated but still useful; J.M. Cohen (ed. and trans.), The Four Voyages of Christopher Columbus (1969, reissued 1988), comprising his logbook, letters, dispatches, and other material; Felipe Fernández-Armesto, Columbus on Himself (1992); Antonio Rumeu de Armas, Libro Copiador de Cristóbal Colón, 2 vol. (1989), which includes a transcription of a copybook containing several letters purportedly from Columbus; Delno C. West and August Kling (trans. and ed.), The Libro de las Profecías of Christopher Columbus (1991), with a concise biographical introduction; and Consuelo Varela (ed.), Textos y documentos completos, 2nd ed. (1992). David Henige, In Search of Columbus: The Sources for the First Voyage (1991), is a scholarly textual criticism of what is known as Columbus's logbook; the author concludes that it cannot be used with any certainty to identify Columbus's first landfall. Margarita Zamora, Reading Columbus (1993), includes translations of crucial texts with comments on them.



Silvio A. Bedini (ed.), The Christopher Columbus Encyclopedia, 2 vol. (1992), is a useful reference work. Fernando Colón, The Life of the Admiral Christopher Columbus, trans. by Benjamin Keen, 2nd ed. (1992), by Columbus's son, has been used as source material for later biographies. Among modern English-language biographies are the classic work by Samuel Eliot Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea: A Life of Christopher Columbus, 2 vol. (1942, reissued 1962), chatty and discursive but unrivaled in close detail and navigational expertise, also available in a one-volume condensed edition with the same title but lacking the scholarly apparatus (1942, reprinted 1991); Felipe Fernández-Armesto, Columbus (1991), arguably one of the best-written and most historically sensitive biographies; and W. Phillips and C.R. Phillips, The Worlds of Christopher Columbus (1992). Neiles H. Davidson, Columbus Then and Now: A Life Reexamined (1997), caustically reviews disputed points in his career.



Studies of various aspects of Columbus's voyages and their impact include Valerie I.J. Flint, The Imaginative Landscape of Christopher Columbus (1992), concentrating on the late-medieval past in which the admiral's conceptions of geography and morality were rooted; James R. McGovern (ed.), The World of Columbus (1992), including essays on art, science, music, and navigation; Roger C. Smith, Vanguard of Empire: Ships of Exploration in the Age of Columbus (1993), an excellent account of the types of ships and riggings involved; William F. Keegan, The People Who Discovered Columbus (1992), on the fate of Lucayan life on the Bahamas; Irving Rouse, The Tainos: Rise & Decline of the People Who Greeted Columbus (1992), a temperate and balanced description; Samuel M. Wilson, Hispaniola: Caribbean Chiefdoms in the Age of Columbus (1990), on the character and destruction of Taino culture; James Axtell, Beyond 1492: Encounters in Colonial North America (1992), which pays particular attention to the effect of the first encounters on the native populations; Jerald T. Milanich and Susan Milbrath (eds.), First Encounters: Spanish Explorations in the Caribbean and the United States, 1492–1570 (1989), an excellent introduction to the archaeological evidence; J. Daniel Rogers and Samuel M. Wilson (eds.), Ethnohistory and Archaeology: Approaches to Postcontact Change in the Americas (1993), conference papers by anthropologists and archaeologists; John W. Verano and Douglas H. Ubelaker (eds.), Disease and Demography in the Americas (1992), invaluable studies in archaeology, paleopathology, and paleodemography; Anthony Pagden, European Encounters with the New World: From Renaissance to Romanticism (1993), exploring European reactions to the expansion; and Bernard Lewis, Cultures in Conflict: Christians, Muslims, and Jews in the Age of Discovery (1995).



The debate over Columbus's achievements is taken up in Noble David Cook and W. George Lovell (eds.), Secret Judgments of God: Old World Disease in Colonial Spanish America (1991), on the disastrous effects on the native peoples; Robert Royal, 1492 and All That: Political Manipulations of History (1992), an attempt to redress the balance, but very much a present-day approach; Ray González (ed.), Without Discovery: A Native Response to Columbus (1992), an anti-European treatment; and John Yewell, Chris Dodge, and Jan Desirey (eds.), Confronting Columbus: An Anthology (1992), from the perspective of indigenous Americans.





Valerie I.J. Flint





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